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By E. Barcevicius, T. Weishaupt, J. Zeitlin, Egidijus Barcevi?ius

According to the findings of a large-scale, comparative learn venture, this quantity systematically assesses the institutional layout and nationwide impression of the Open approach to Coordination in Social Inclusion and Social defense (pensions and health/long-term care), on the eu Union point and in ten european Member States.

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Extra info for Assessing the Open Method of Coordination: Institutional Design and National Influence of EU Social Policy Coordination

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15 The main purpose was to enhance ‘the quality and coherence’ of ‘socio-economic governance of the EU’ and make the cooperation on social protection ‘more efficient and less burdensome’ (European Commission 2003, 4). By bringing together three social policy fields which are substantially interdependent but often treated separately in institutional terms, many hoped that synergies could be generated and the treatment of complex and multidimensional challenges improved. In effect, the policy discussion in 2006–2010 devoted a lot attention to the questions of whether the three strands communicated with each other and decreased coordination costs, or, alternatively, whether it was just a familiar case of ‘EU spin’ trying to construct distinct areas as single policy (for a review of this discussion see Chapter 3, this volume).

A new Commission under the presidency of José Manuel Durão Barroso took office in 2005, in an EU enlarged to 25 members and with a majority of centre-right governments. While the new Commission rejected the Kok High-Level Group’s recommendation to strengthen the Lisbon Strategy’s naming, shaming, and faming instruments, it proposed – with the consent of the Member States – substantial changes in the Lisbon Strategy’s overall architecture. Most importantly, the ‘new’ Lisbon Strategy would focus on growth and jobs (European Commission 2005c; European Council 2005a), while fusing the European Employment Guidelines of the EES with the BEPGs into a single set of 24 Integrated Guidelines for Growth and Jobs.

2001), while the Commission’s reporting activities were a clear sign that ‘the European level could indeed act as a platform for the exchange of experience’ (Vanhercke 2012, 8). For a variety of interrelated reasons, this dynamic towards the development of a ‘Social Europe’ intensified during the latter half of the 1990s (Leibfried and Pierson 1995). First, given the rapid developments towards full Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), Member State governments increasingly worried about the effects of large-scale unemployment on the credibility of the EU’s new ‘hard currency’ paradigm.

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