By Joseph Errington
Drawing on either unique texts and demanding literature, Linguistics in a Colonial international surveys the tools, meanings, and makes use of of early linguistic tasks round the world.
* Explores how early endeavours in linguistics have been used to assist in overcoming sensible and ideological problems of colonial rule
* strains the makes use of and results of colonial linguistic initiatives within the shaping of identities and groups that have been below, or towards, imperial regimes
* Examines enduring impacts of colonial linguistics in modern pondering language and cultural difference
* Brings new perception into post-colonial controversies together with endangered languages and language rights within the globalized twenty-first centuryContent:
Chapter 1 The Linguistic within the Colonial (pages 1–21):
Chapter 2 Early Conversions, or, How Spanish Friars Made the Little bounce (pages 22–47):
Chapter three Imaging the Linguistic previous (pages 48–69):
Chapter four Philology's Evolutions (pages 70–92):
Chapter five among Pentecost and Pidgins (pages 93–122):
Chapter 6 Colonial Linguists, (Proto)?National Languages (pages 123–148):
Chapter 7 Postcolonial Postscript (pages 149–171):
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Extra info for Linguistics in a Colonial World: A Story of Language, Meaning, and Power
Though not practicioners of what we would call a “linguistic science,” their work was rooted in the traditions of knowledge of what they called (in Latin) scientia, following Aquinas’ observation that “[w]e all have to learn to interpret what we see, and this can only be achieved through the use of books” (Pagden 1982:130). Nebrija influenced these first friar linguists less through his famous grammar of Castilian than through his earlier grammar of Latin, written in Latin, in 1481 (the Introductiones Latinae).
Los indios, like other descendants of those who fled the tower’s fall, were inheritors of the common human curse. This was the original condition invoked by one friar linguist to describe his purpose: “to restore in part the common eloquence of which we were deprived by the arrogance and pride of that building” (quoted in Pagden 1982:181). To refute de las Casas’ relativistic understanding of “barbarian” speech and intelligibility, churchmen who had the king’s ear drew on a different intellectual tradition, giving that word another meaning.
So I consider next reasons for Carochi’s larger concern with the “barbarism” of the misplaced saltillo, and then a question about baybayin: if friar linguists found it useful and “improvable,” why did it eventually pass out of use among missionaries and native Tagalog speakers alike? Civilized Illiterates I cited Carochi’s cautionary remark about the proper use of the saltillo earlier to illustrate a kind of political and cultural paradox: the Nahuatl were illiterate pagans who spoke a civilized language.